Wednesday, October 31, 2012

People have none to turn to


Your Right To Know
Wednesday, October 31, 2012

Justice is lost in Bangladesh. We know that if a person rings the police for emergency matter in the US, the police arrives in the scene in less than five minutes. On the other hand, if a person in Bangladesh calls police, police ask the person to come to the police station instead of going there themselves. Witnesses in courts are bribed, counterfeit evidences are produced, lawyers are threatened, and documents are falsified.
In a democratic country like Bangladesh, people have no freedom. People cast their votes for the politicians believing that they will develop the country. But, the politicians are corrupt and live largely on people's money. They never think about developing the poor country. Illiterate people are often in problem. Some doctors operate on patients for false reasons and take away their kidneys, livers, etc., without the patients' knowledge. There are many other injustices going on in Bangladesh and we all hope to overcome these problems.

Herbal Garden Opens in Rangamati 'Protect culture of jumma people'




Your Right To Know
Wednesday, October 31, 2012

Speakers at a programme marking inauguration of a herbal garden in Rangamati Sadar upazila yesterday emphasised protecting the environment and traditional culture of the jumma people for development of the community as well as overall interest of the whole country and its people.
With support from Manusher Jonno Foundation, Centre for Integrated People's Development (CIPD), a local non-government development organisation, arranged the programme.
Shaheen Anam, executive director of Manusher Jonno Foundation (MJF), inaugurated the herbal garden named 'Murolya Daru Tarum' developed by CIPD on 15 acres of land at Goboghona in Moghban union under Rangamati Sadar upazila.
"The indigenous boidyas (healers) in hills will get the opportunity to provide better treatment to backwoods people as hundreds of species of different medicinal plants will be available from the garden," Shaheen said in her speech as the chief guest.
"The traditional healers will get the opportunity for skill development through research work on herbal medicines and it requires a long term plan involving the people concerned," she said.
Urging all to remain alert about the violators of human rights in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) and build up social movement against the evil force, Shaheen said the indigenous people must be united for full execution of the CHT peace accord.
Since time immemorial, the indigenous healers have been playing a very significant role in providing treatment to people, mostly living in rural areas. But the traditional healing community sees decline due to lack of herbal medicines and proper practice," said Ushatan Talukder, member of CHT Regional Council.
"We have to conserve the herbal medicines available in the hills. We have to give importance on growing and creating bamboo clusters too," he added.
He thanked Manusher Jonno Foundation for coming forward for the welfare of the hill people.
Nirupa Dewan, member of National Human Rights Commission, was also a special guest at the function presided over by Jana Lal Chakma, executive director of CIPD.
An indigenous cultural function was arranged on the occasion.


Land Grabber's Desperate Bid

Houses of indigenous family looted, burnt

Criminals looted and burnt the houses of an indigenous family at Kasimnagar village in Birganj upazila under the district in brought daylight yesterday, triggering panic among the community.
Led by an alleged land grabber of the area and his two accomplices, around 15 to 20 men equipped with bamboo and wooden sticks attacked the house of Kazra Besra at Kasimnagar village at around 12:30pm, witnesses said.
The criminals assaulted the family members including females and children and dragged them out of the house. After looting things from there, the attackers set at least four houses on fire.
Before leaving the area, the criminals set fire to the kitchen at the house of one of the accomplices of the alleged land grabber, locals said.
"Nobody dared to come forward to help us as the criminals stayed here until the houses were burnt to ashes. The criminals set fire to the house of one of them with an evil intention to brand us as criminals," said Kazra Besra, the victim.
Local indigenous people said they informed Birganj police of the matter but the law enforcers arrived around 90 minutes later although the distance could be covered in 20 minutes.
Kazra, a day labourer, have been living on 15 decimal land with 12 family members including two sons and daughters-in-law. The land belongs to Kedara Besra, another indigenous person at Kasimnagar village in Birganj upazila.
"A local land grabber and his two accomplices have been intimidating us to leave the area in a bid to grab our land and finally they burnt our houses," said Kazra's son Bisu Besra.
Around 40 indigenous families live in the village, locals said.
Arzu Ara Begum, upazila nirbahi officer of Birganj, Shahab Uddin, additional superintendent of police of Sadar Circle and Shamsun Nur, officer in charge of Birganj police station visited the area yesterday afternoon.


Ramu Attacks MKA sees foreign link Another suspect arrested


Your Right to Know
Wednesday, October 31, 2012

Staff Correspondent
Foreign instigation was to blame for the September 29 attacks on Buddhists in Ramu upazila of Cox's Bazar, said Home Minister MK Alamgir yesterday
People doing communal politics in the country were involved in the attacks, the minister told journalists at his office in the afternoon after a meeting with United Nations Resident Coordinator Neal Walker.
The additional divisional commissioner of Chittagong submitted a probe report on the Ramu violence to the minister on Thursday with 11 recommendations.
The minister said, “The culprits have been identified and, according to the report, the motive behind the attacks was to create instability in the country.”
He, however, did not disclose the names of the culprits. Nor did he detail the recommendations.
He said Neal Walker at the meeting expressed satisfaction over the Bangladesh government's steps taken just after the incidents.
During the September 29 attacks, 18 pagodas and about 50 Buddhist houses were torched or vandalised by Muslim fanatics. The violence was instigated by a faked Facebook page that showed an anti-Islam photograph tagged on a Buddhist youth's account.
The Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord was also discussed at the meeting, the minister said.
The issue of complications regarding land ownership in the Chittagong Hill Tracts may be addressed by reforming the land commission, he added.
ANOTHER HELD FOR ATTACK LINK
Police arrested yet another person on Monday night for his alleged involvement with the Ramu mayhem in Cox's Bazar on September 29.
Saleh Ahmed, 34, was arrested from a barbershop from the town's Lal Dighirpar around 10:00pm, reports our staff correspondent from Chittagong.
The arrestee has connection with Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) and had provided shelter to Rohingyas on several occasions, said Jashim Uddin, officer-in-charge of Cox's Bazar Police Station.
According to the police, Saleh's father had migrated from Myanmar before the Liberation War of 1971.
The arrestee, however, has a national identity card and a passport to prove his Bangladesh nationality, police added.
Police interrogated him till yesterday morning to ascertain his link with the violence.
Saleh is son of Mir Ahmed of South Pahartali of Sadar upazila.
Police sources said 239 people have been arrested in connection with the Ramu violence till yesterday.

Tuesday, October 30, 2012

Probarana Purnima Celebration Eminent citizens stand with Buddhists




Your Right To Know
Tuesday, October 30, 2012

Fanuses (paper lanterns) being released into the sky on the eve of Prabarana Purnima, one of the biggest Buddhist festivals, during a solidarity event at TSC intersection of Dhaka University on Sunday. Prabarana Udjapan Parishad organised the programme. Photo: STAR
Prominent civil society members on Sunday conveyed their solidarity to the Buddhist community on the eve of Prabarana Purnima celebration and highlighted the necessity of fostering a secular and inclusive Bangladeshi identity.
“I never think that in this country there is a division between 'us' and 'you'. We all have equal rights to this country,” renowned writer Muhammad Zafar Iqbal told a solidarity event at TSC of Dhaka University, organised to mark the festival which has been marred by the Ramu violence this year.
About the blame game centring the violence, he said, “If we keep on blaming each other for what happened, it means we don't really understand the problem, and if we don't understand the problem, we will never be able to solve it.”
Prabarana Udjapan Parishad organised the event to thank the journalists, politicians, rights activists, lawyers and others who stood up for Buddhists following the September 29-30 violence when at least 12 Buddhist pagodas and over 50 Buddhists houses were ravaged in Cox's Bazar and Chittagong.
During the event, a 100 fanuses (paper lanterns) and mongol prodeeps (lamps) were lit. Each of the fanuses had a name of an affected Buddhist temple written on it. Prabarana Purnima is one of the biggest Buddhist festivals.
Industries Minister Dilip Barua, among others, addressed the programme.

Candlelight vigil held for minorities

Eminent citizens take part in a candlelight vigil at the capital's Central Shaheed Minar yesterday to say no to violence against minorities. Different social and rights organisations organised the programme.Photo: STAR
People from different walks of life and faiths participated in a candlelight vigil at the Central Shaheed Minar in the capital yesterday to show their solidarity with the Buddhist community.
As Buddhists all over the country celebrated their Prabarana Purnima festivities with a heavy heart bearing Ramu scars, students, prominent civil society members and common people joined hands to seek their apology for the recent attacks on minorities.
“We say that we are a country of communal harmony, and yet often this harmony is challenged. That is our failure,” said Professor Emeritus Dr Anisuzzaman of Dhaka University.
Rights activist Sultana Kamal said, “The moment we were singing songs of peace on the dais, I received a message that the Ahmedyia community came under attack in Rangpur.
“We need to be very aware that there are still elements in this country trying to create problems for a secular Bangladesh.”
“We can say a country is developed only when its minority rights are protected," said Humaira Islam of Urban Study Group.
Prof Serajul Islam Chowdhury, Hameeda Hossain, Sara Hossain, Khushi Kabir, Prof Kazi Madinah, and Prof Nasrin Ahmed also took part in the programme.
The event was organised with the participation of different organisations, including Urban Study Group, Ain o Salish Kendro, Nijera Kori and Transparency International Bangladesh.

Prabarana Purnima No festivity in Ramu




Your Right To Know
Tuesday, October 30, 2012

The Buddhist community of Ramu on the occasion of Prabarana Purnima yesterday fixes paper lanterns at the ruins of Lal Ching Bihar, one of the temples destroyed in September 29 by Muslim fanatics. Yet to recover from the shock, the Buddhists are not releasing these lanterns -- locally known as Fanus -- in the sky unlike the previous years. Top, devotees light lamps at Central Sima Bihar, another temple bearing the scars of the mindless mayhem. Photo: Anurup Kanti Das
Given its age-old culture of religious harmony, Ramu could well be a town of a series of great festivals this October. And why not? This year, three major religious festivals -- Durga Puja, Eid-ul-Azha and Prabarana Purnima -- of the Hindu, Muslim and Buddhist fell one after another.
But Ramu suffered a deep scar, too, this year. Its people are yet to overcome the trauma of the heartbreaking attack on the Buddhist on September 29. The fire the communal forces set to Buddhist temples and homes has indeed burned more things than a place of worship or someone's dwelling. Those blazes have wounded those parts of their hearts where harmony and joy lived.
In a town where communal harmony has been so prevalent that its entire population regardless of religion shares the joy of each other's religious festival, it is the first time that the Buddhist in Ramu has curtailed their most colourful programme, Prabarana Purnima.
Also for the first time, the Buddhist community refrained from flying paper lanterns (fanus) yesterday. The shell-shocked community will not float, as they do every year, decorated ships on the Bakkhali river in Ramu today. This festival is popularly known as Jahaj Bhasha Utsav.
Instead of flying those traditional "fanus" yesterday evening, Buddhists wore black badges to take to the streets in a procession, calling for peace. Organised by Central Ramu Buddha Jubo Parishad, some 7,000 people from 14 villages joined the march.
"We have postponed the programme in protest against the violence. The atmosphere is not favourable for the festival," said Swapan Barua, acting chairman of Rajar Kul union of Ramu and also the president of the central committee for the ship floating festival.
Eid-ul-Azha, the second biggest religious festival of the Muslim, also came and went without much festivity, as there was no spontaneous participation of the people.
In Ramu's Buddhist neighbourhood, it was never an issue as to who eats beef and mutton and who does not. Ramu's was an age-old tradition of sharing the spirit of the festival, Buddhists visiting the Muslim homes on the eid day.
"Many Buddhists used to join the festival [eid] wearing dresses like the Muslims wear during their festival to share the joy," says Nitish Barua of Uttar Mithachari in Ramu.
Others say the Muslim and the Buddhist in Ramu have always spontaneously participated in each other's religious festivals and their relations have been so cordial that it was hard to separate them on occasions like eid, puja or Buddha Purnima.
"It was the first time in my life that I spent the eid without spontaneous participation of my Buddhist neighbours," Shamim Ahsan Bulu, a social activist and politician in Ramu, told The Daily Star.
"It was beyond imagining that our Buddhist neighbours and friends refrained from visiting our home on the eid day, which was Ramu's age-old custom. Some of them did come to my house having been unable to turn down my invitation. But the usual cheerful spirit was missing," he added.
On the night of September 29, Muslim zealots in their dozens burned to ashes 12 Buddhist monasteries and vandalised six pagodas in Ramu. The unruly mob also damaged dozens of Buddhist homes.
It took several hours before the marauding fanatics could go on the rampage over a faked Facebook page insulting the Quran. All this while, the local police and intelligence personnel remained conspicuously inactive.
Nazibul Islam, who was the officer-in-charge of Ramu Police Sation and was later closed, is one of those who acted mysteriously during the overnight mayhem. Some locals chased him when he went with a minister on October 1 to visit Shima Bihar, burned to ashes by the bigots.
Top police officials of Cox's Bazar and Ramu went to the Bihar on the eid day with some food to distribute among the Buddhist. In their efforts to show things were all right again, the law enforcers had a meal there with some Buddhist priests, including the chief of the burned down monastery.
While locals take it for a "drama," it was an embarrassment for the Buddhist priests.
Progyananda Bhikshu, a priest of Shima Bihar, said they had some restrictions on taking food.
"And we told the superintendent of police [who went there] about it," he said, adding that they still had to share the meal avoiding the chicken just to show courtesy.
Police also sent some food to eight other Buddhist monasteries, much to the embarrassment of the priests.
Nurul Islam, a local Awami League leader and lawyer, doesn't take the police effort positively.
“I am sure the police have other motives for offering food to the priests at the temple," he said adding, "Looks like it was an attempt to soothe their anger against the police."
Police and local administration were also desperate to persuade the Buddhist community to fly "fanus" and float ships and offered to help arrange these programmes.
But Buddhist leaders said they were not in a mood to celebrate the occasion amid festivity and that they would only offer prayers. In silence.
“We were mortified to witness the incident of September 29. We have lost words to describe our feelings," said Satya Priyo Mahathero, chief of Ramu Central Shima Bihar.

Another held over Ramu violence




Your Right To Know
Tuesday, October 30, 2012


This October 1 photo shows a Buddhist monk trying to restore religious texts that was torched by a mob of religious fanatics at a temple in Ramu of Cox's Bazar.
Police arrested one more person Monday night in connection with the September 29 attack on Buddhists in Ramu upazila of Cox's Bazar.
Saleh Ahmed, 34, son of Mir Ahmed of Dakshin Pahartali in the district, was arrested in Cox's Bazar Sadar upazila, reports our Chittagong correspondent quoting police.
Saleh is a part time teacher of a school run by World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY), a non-government organisation, said Jashim Uddin, officer-in-charge of Cox's Bazar Sadar Police Station
A mob destroyed 12 pagodas and more than 50 houses in Ramu on the night of September 29. The violence was apparently triggered by a Facebook posting of a photo derogatory to the holy Quran.
Being tipped-off, a team of police raided Lal Dighirpar area around 10:00pm Monday and captured Saleh, the OC said.
Saleh provided shelters to Rohingyas several times, the OC claimed.
He said arrestee's father Mir Ahmed was migrated to Bangladesh from Myanmar before the 1971 Liberation War.
The arrestee, however, claimed himself as a Bangladeshi national and showed his national identity card (NID) and passport before the law enforcers, the OC said.
The law enforcers were interrogating him to ascertain his link with the violence and his identity till Tuesday morning.
Police said 239 people have so far been arrested in connection with the Ramu violence.

Tuesday, October 23, 2012

Attacks On Buddhists - Ominous inaction - Intelligence agencies, law enforcers acted strangely to let govt down




Your Right To Know
Tuesday, October 23, 2012

 Julfikar Ali Manik, back from Ramu, Cox's Bazar
Despite having enough security support at hand, law enforcement and intelligence agencies did not even try to ward off or contain the violence against the Buddhist community in Ramu of Cox's Bazar last month.
On the night of September 29, it took several hours before the marauding gangs of zealots could go on the rampage over a faked Facebook page insulting the Quran.
All this time, the local police and intelligence personnel remained conspicuously inactive. They did not pass any information to the upazila and district administration about the growing outrage that culminated in the destruction of centuries-old Buddhist temples and monasteries and houses.
The mayhem could not be averted even though Ramu was better positioned than other upazilas to deal with the situation.
Unlike many other upazilas, Ramu has offices of the army and paramilitary Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB). Besides, Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), National Security Intelligence (NSI) and Special Branch (SB) of police operate here from Cox's Bazar, a 20-minute drive from Ramu upazila headquarters.
Then there is Ramu police's own intelligence mechanism, including paid sources, watchers and informers.
“They [agencies and police] get a good amount of source money to gather information through their networks,” said a civil administration official of Cox's Bazar.
However, all this amounted to nothing at the time of a real crisis.
The district and upazila administration received hardly any intelligence from the field on the evening of September 29.
Nazibul Islam, the then officer-in-charge of Ramu Police Station, had all along kept the local administration in the dark about the troubles brewing.
Likewise, Selim Jahangir, Cox's Bazar superintendent of police, gave no information to the district administration about the disturbing developments for hours.
Ramu Upazila Nirbahi Officer Debi Chanda heads the local law-and-order committee, of which the OC is the member secretary. Yet she did not get any information from Nazibul.
Debi came to know about the disturbances from Jainul Bari, the outgoing deputy commissioner of Cox's Bazar, after 10:30pm. SP Selim contacted Jainul around the same time.
It had already been nearly three hours then since the bigots began inciting hatred against the Buddhists from Ramu's busiest marketplace Fakirabazar between 7:30pm and 8:00pm.
As per section 127 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC), a UNO (as magistrate) and an OC have the power to disperse any unlawful assembly or a gathering of five or more persons that is likely to disturb the peace.
Under section 129 of the CrPC, the UNO (as magistrate) has the power to call in the military to help the civil administration break up an unruly assembly that cannot otherwise be dispersed.
The OC and the UNO of Ramu did not exercise these powers.
The local administration imposed section 144 of the CrPC -- ban on all kinds of gatherings, rallies and processions -- only the following morning, whereas it could have done so much earlier or overnight.
Section 145 of Police Regulations of Bangladesh gives an OC the authority to prepare her/his constables with arms to combat a possible outrage. S/he is also supposed to inform the matter to her/his nearest magistrate.
In Ramu, Debi Chanda was the OC's nearest magistrate, but Nazibul told her nothing.
“What I lacked was information. Except that, I had everything to tackle such a massive chaos," she said.
"I had asked the officer-in-charge to arrange necessary force and to set up check posts so that no outsider could enter. But the OC did not comply."
Around 11:30pm, Debi went to Chaumuhuni Circle, where fanatics were holding rallies and processions. She found OC Nazibul there as well.
Witnesses said shoes were thrown at Debi from a procession there and no other officials present had to face such a backlash.
Instead of moving in to deal with a potentially violent mob, Nazibul made provocative statements at a rally of several hundred people.
Some officials in Ramu and Cox's Bazar too have told The Daily Star about the dubious role played by the OC.
A BGB official said the then DC told them around 11:30pm to be prepared for any situation. But the border guards got the final call for deployment at 1:20am. The army was deployed even later.
The BGB official, wishing not to be named, said many temples were torched before they moved in. When the rioters started to leave Ramu, he asked the OC to arrest as many as possible. “The OC did not arrest a single person.”
Even after all this, Nazibul refused to accept any blame for the inaction of the law enforcers while talking to this correspondent on October 2, hours before he was withdrawn.
According to some locals, he had some personal grudges against Buddhists.
Lately, police bosses in Ramu and Cox's Bazar have been trying to give an impression that they learned about the violence when it was already too late. But the sequence of events that this correspondent has gathered from eyewitnesses does not bear them out.
Omar Faruk, the owner of a mobile phone servicing shop at Ramu Bazar, said police came to his outlet twice between 8 and 9 that night. They wanted to see Uttam Kumar Barua's so-called Facebook page and the anti-Islam photo.
Police picked up Faruk and his friend Abdul Moktadir around 9:00pm, according to Moktadir's mother and Faruk. Their statements suggest the law enforcers were aware of the hate campaign in the evening.
An official, on condition of anonymity, said Cox's Bazar SP did not inform DC Jainul Bari over the phone before 10:30pm.
Some serving and former admin officials in Cox's Bazar and Ramu told this correspondent that the OC could have directly requested the DC to call in troops.
Also, intelligence agencies, which usually share necessary information with the district and upazila administration, were reportedly not active that night.
"Earlier, we had never felt any coordination problem among the civil administration in Cox's Bazar and Ramu and intelligence agencies,” said an official in Ramu. ”But we don't know why they did not give us any information on that crucial night."
At a meeting with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Cox's Bazar on October 8, acting DC Jasim Uddin said information from Ramu came late to the district headquarters.
He came to know about the incident around 11:00pm and then started for Ramu with the SP, a meeting source said.
SP Selim told the PM that he learned about the incident around 10:30pm and then spoke to the OC over the phone.
"The OC told me the situation was under control. He had seized the computer from the shop and sent a force to arrest Uttam," the SP told the PM. “I also contacted the local DGFI and NSI; they told me they knew nothing."
SP Selim also said that as he called again, OC Nazibul said demonstrators would end their processions at 12:30am.
He called the OC again around midnight. The OC told him protest processions were going on, but there was no violence.
People started to pour into Ramu as the local lawmaker left after addressing the demonstrators. The SP told the PM that the OC had not given him this picture.
Meanwhile, Cox's Bazar District Imam Samity President Mohammad Kamal Uddin's version has called into question the SP's claim that he learned about the agitation not before 10:30pm.
Kamal told The Daily Star yesterday that Cox's Bazar Sadar Police Station's former OC Kamrul Hasan picked him up from the town around 9:15pm and took him to the SP's office around 9:25pm.
Kamal learned about the agitation from SP Selim and Kamrul before 9:30pm.
The SP was still at his office when the attackers began torching temples and houses in Ramu around 12, he added.
Nurul Islam, Cox's Bazar Awami League leader and special public prosecutor for women and children repression prevention tribunal, was in Ramu on the night of September 29.
He called the SP five times from 10:30pm till midnight asking him to send in a force.
"The SP received my call three times and every time he said he was sending a force. But we did not see police before 4:00am on September 30," Nurul said.
On Sunday, Jasim Uddin was transferred and attached to the public administration ministry. He took over as acting DC of Cox's Bazar from Jainul Bari on September 30.
Jainul was made an officer on special duty over his alleged inaction during the communal attacks in Ramu.

Monday, October 15, 2012

Let our religion be humanity : Mehzabin Ahmed

 October 5, 2012
ctg_ramu_Budho_Murti_12    When I was around 12 years old, my father told me, “But no! A Cox’s Bazar trip cannot be complete without a visit to Ramu”. And thus, we embarked on a foot trip through the greenery of Ramu, to visit the most awe-inspiring Buddha statue I have ever seen, my first visit to a Buddhist monastery too! And I fell in love with the peaceful sight, right at first sight. While, over the years, I have never gotten the chance to revisit my childhood beauty, today, I feel empty, as someone has permanently erased a part of my memory; a memory I cherished for so long. If this is how I feel, I wonder how the locals feel, people who have grown up with it, and cherished it, sacredly, everyday; except, they are perhaps more devastated by their ransacked and looted houses and livelihoods right now. But who am I to ask such questions, after all, I also belong to the monstrous majority clan. I should hide myself in disgrace for what have been done to them by my Muslim brothers.
I feel sad reading news piling one after another — attacks on Buddhists and Hindus in Ramu, Patia, Ukhia… and I for the first time feel ashamed of being a Bangladeshi. I feel extreme anger as I ask for the zillionth time since September 11th, why do us Muslims need a constant reminder of the fact that, “Islam is a religion of Peace?” – cause we don’t follow what we preach.
My friend tells me, “The government will have to rebuild those temples, and even more gloriously,” and I ask, “Who is going to bring back the hundreds of years of heritage that we have lost in the process?” “Who is going to counsel the child who watched her village burn in horror?” “Will these people ever live peacefully and in harmony again?” It is beyond me, how people ever come to bring themselves to do such destruction and harm, but then again, we live in a world where, seeing is believing.
The recent attack on Islam has given our fanatic Muslims in Bangladesh, yet another excuse to pick on everyone and anyone who thinks differently. I remember how extremists cut beards and hair of bauls in Rajbari a few months ago, as I still wonder what happened to the Sufi followers from Kushtia who the Muslim mobs attacked few weeks ago, and watch the silence regarding the issue among the civil society. I wonder if we have forgotten that our country was once founded through the bloodshed of millions, based on a secular constitution.  Then again, I wonder, does profanity justify destruction?
Why are we so scared of speaking up against these atrocities today? Feeling too religious? Too scared about what might happen to our “image”, “diplomatic” and “trade” relations? Or are we hiding in seclusion cause we feel apathetic to all these; cause we feel safe and sound at home? Fanatics today are not only attacking our diverse religious sects, but also attacking at the heart of our culture. Remember the Ramna Batamul bombing on Pahela Baishakh and at an Udichi Shilpi Goshti programme? It could have been one of us there, dead that day! Or maybe we might have fallen victim to one of the synchronized near to 500 bombings by fanatics in 2005?
Rise up together in solidarity, against the extremist uprising trying to take over our beloved Bangladesh today! And let our religion be “humanity”.
Hatred does not cease by hatred, but only by love; this is the eternal rule – Gautama Buddha.
———————-
Mehzabin Ahmed is a development practitioner.


Prashanta Tripura

The minorities of our nightmares

OCTOBER 15, 2012 (Opinions)

Photo: bdnews24.com  Are you afraid to go to bed these days, out of fear that the forces of evil will leap out of your nightmares to rampage through your neighbourhood while you are asleep? If you have been following stories of recent attacks on minorities – first in Rangamati on September 22, then in Ramu starting at the late hours of September 29 – you would be. If you are not, you ought to be, at least if you care about yourself, about your dreams. If you ever dreamed of a democratic, peaceful and prosperous Bangladesh, then need I tell you that what are under attack are not just the ethnic or religious minorities in faraway places, but also your very dreams and ideals?
In mid-August, in a note that I shared with my Facebook friends, I made a casual remark that “for all the people who long for a democratic Bangladesh, it is still a prolonged hour of nightmares.”  The immediate context of our discussion was surrealism in art and poetry. In that context, I was just trying to make the point that for many of us who grew up in the CHT, and for ethnic minorities generally, living in Bangladesh has been something of a surreal existence, more precisely like living through nightmares. As I skim through news reports over the attacks on Buddhist communities and temples in Ramu (and subsequent attacks, some targeting Hindus as well, in other parts of Chittagong), my eyes are drawn to a headline “A night of joy turns to nightmare” in a local English daily, carrying the story of a community that was preparing to celebrate a Buddhist festival the next day, only to see their plans and preparations give way to a sleepless night, when they had to watch homes and temples burn to ashes.
As news of the attacks in Ramu spread, strong condemnations have been voiced throughout the country, and government officials and media personnel rushed to the spot. Unfortunately, some news headlines indicate that the blame game or witch hunting also started in no time. The politicization of criminal activities can only mean allowing the real culprits to get away, if not encouraging them to carry on their acts. Therefore, it is perhaps not a surprise that after Ramu, similar attacks were reported to have taken place yesterday in other parts of Chittagong. Why is it that the law enforcing agencies always seem late in responding to situations like this?
This question came up last week as well, in the context of attacks in Rangamati carried out by rioters that remain to be identified officially.   Nonetheless, it was interesting that the outbreak of violence in Rangamati was instantly reported as a “clash between Paharis (hill people) and Bengalis”. I wrote a short piece, published in a Bangla daily, in which I questioned this tendency. I raised a simple question:  Of the entire population of Rangamati, say 60,000 people altogether comprising of various ethnicities, how many did really take part in, or condone, the attacks that were described as inter-ethnic clashes? 60? 600? 6000? Whatever may be the actual figure, it could not possibly constitute more than a small fraction of the total population. Given this, why was it that we allowed a minority (i.e. the real perpetrators of violence) colour the views of the rest? Why were we quick to describe the unfolding development as “clashes between indigenous hill people and Bengalis (or Bengali settlers, as specifically mentioned in some English dailies)”? My point was that such characterizations and perceptions mainly help the real perpetrators hide behind nameless, faceless mobs. Moreover, they also turn our attention away from the systemic roots of violence, namely state policies and laws that are discriminatory towards ethnic and religious minorities.
Are you afraid to go to bed these days, out of fear that the forces of evil will leap out of your nightmares to rampage through your neighbourhood while you are asleep? If you have been following stories of recent attacks on minorities – first in Rangamati on September 22, then in Ramu starting at the late hours of September 29 – you would be. If you are not, you ought to be, at least if you care about yourself, about your dreams. If you ever dreamed of a democratic, peaceful and prosperous Bangladesh, then need I tell you that what are under attack are not just the ethnic or religious minorities in faraway places, but also your very dreams and ideals?
In mid-August, in a note that I shared with my Facebook friends, I made a casual remark that “for all the people who long for a democratic Bangladesh, it is still a prolonged hour of nightmares.”  The immediate context of our discussion was surrealism in art and poetry. In that context, I was just trying to make the point that for many of us who grew up in the CHT, and for ethnic minorities generally, living in Bangladesh has been something of a surreal existence, more precisely like living through nightmares. As I skim through news reports over the attacks on Buddhist communities and temples in Ramu (and subsequent attacks, some targeting Hindus as well, in other parts of Chittagong), my eyes are drawn to a headline “A night of joy turns to nightmare” in a local English daily, carrying the story of a community that was preparing to celebrate a Buddhist festival the next day, only to see their plans and preparations give way to a sleepless night, when they had to watch homes and temples burn to ashes.
As news of the attacks in Ramu spread, strong condemnations have been voiced throughout the country, and government officials and media personnel rushed to the spot. Unfortunately, some news headlines indicate that the blame game or witch hunting also started in no time. The politicization of criminal activities can only mean allowing the real culprits to get away, if not encouraging them to carry on their acts. Therefore, it is perhaps not a surprise that after Ramu, similar attacks were reported to have taken place yesterday in other parts of Chittagong. Why is it that the law enforcing agencies always seem late in responding to situations like this?
This question came up last week as well, in the context of attacks in Rangamati carried out by rioters that remain to be identified officially.   Nonetheless, it was interesting that the outbreak of violence in Rangamati was instantly reported as a “clash between Paharis (hill people) and Bengalis”. I wrote a short piece, published in a Bangla daily, in which I questioned this tendency. I raised a simple question:  Of the entire population of Rangamati, say 60,000 people altogether comprising of various ethnicities, how many did really take part in, or condone, the attacks that were described as inter-ethnic clashes? 60? 600? 6000? Whatever may be the actual figure, it could not possibly constitute more than a small fraction of the total population. Given this, why was it that we allowed a minority (i.e. the real perpetrators of violence) colour the views of the rest? Why were we quick to describe the unfolding development as “clashes between indigenous hill people and Bengalis (or Bengali settlers, as specifically mentioned in some English dailies)”? My point was that such characterizations and perceptions mainly help the real perpetrators hide behind nameless, faceless mobs. Moreover, they also turn our attention away from the systemic roots of violence, namely state policies and laws that are discriminatory towards ethnic and religious minorities.

Photo: bdnews24.com A Facebook friend of mine who lives in Ramu, provided a status update yesterday, saying, “The religious and communal harmony that we the residents of Ramu have always been proud of has been reduced to dusts in one night” (Translated from original post in Bangla). Many commented on his status expressing shock and anger at what had happened. More generally, through posts on the Facebook and blogs, there was expression of a strong sense of disgust and outrage that most people felt at the atrocities. “Shame!”, “Is this the Bangladesh that we dreamt of?”, “Is it what people died for in 1971”? – These were some of the typical reactions.
It seems to me that the kinds of anguish and soul-searching that are represented by the last two questions above are particularly strong among Bengalis (or Bangladeshis) who see themselves as embodying the ideals of the War of Liberation of 1971. What were these ideals?  One was the idea of ‘communal harmony’, which now lies shattered in places like Ramu. Government officials or many political leaders and intellectuals in Bangladesh may not like to admit it openly, but the sad truth is that communal harmony had been shattered on numerous other occasions in this country in the past. The incidents like that in Ramu by themselves do not necessarily indicate that the majority of people in Bangladesh condone such acts. In fact, personally I am convinced that in a statistical sense, the criminal elements of society targeting the ethnic or religious minorities constitute minorities themselves. But the question remains, how is it that people belonging to the latter category of ‘minorities’ can dictate terms for the rest of us?
To me, a big part of the answer to the above question lies in the Faustian pacts that two generations of Bangladeshis made with undemocratic regimes in the ‘70s and the ‘80s. We know how the euphoria of 1971 began to evaporate in the face of enormous challenges that the new country faced. For the country as a whole, the year 1975 marked the crystallization of deep fractures in the polity of a young nation, fractures that in many ways remain unresolved to date. In fact, for the ethnic minorities of the CHT, their alienation and marginalization began as early as in 1972, when police and BDR operations purportedly conducted against war time collaborators resulted into acts of brutalities, and the newly drafted constitution also disregarded the existence of non-Bengali ethnicities. Even though the concept of Bangladeshi nationalism was introduced after 1975, one cannot say that this was done for the sake of ethnic minorities. Instead, it was part of fundamental changes introduced in the constitution of the country, involving increased manipulation of religious sentiments of the Muslim majority as a clever ploy to legitimize powers grabbed illegally. Moreover, on the ground, by the end of the 1970s, the whole CHT region had become heavily militarized, with thousands of destitute households from the plains being resettled in the hills in a manner that made it abundantly clear that the Bangladeshi state did not really look at the ethnic minorities of the CHT as trustworthy citizens of the country. Did people in the rest of Bangladesh know much about what was going on in the CHT? I doubt it. Unlike today, there was very little in the media about the CHT during 1975-1990 when the whole country was under de facto military rule. But there is an even deeper question. Even if there were people who knew about what was happening in the CHT, did they care, or could they have done much about it? No, apparently not. Be that as it may, the 1980s were a period when economic liberalization took roots in Bangladesh, with active international support, and tolerance of rampant corruption at the highest echelons of power. It was during this period that a new class of entrepreneurs-politicians-bureaucrats consolidated their hold on power and wealth, with very little regard for the ideals and principles of 1971, or the older social values of tolerance and pluralism associated with rural Bengali communities. If holding onto power meant declaring Islam to be the state religion, and entering into alliance with political elements known to support bigotry, so be it. This is what I meant by the Faustian pact.
The forces that are invading the dreams and cherished ideals of most decent people in Bangladesh may indeed constitute a minority. But they seem well organized, and ready to pounce whenever the time is ripe, as have been shown on numerous occasions. Moreover, they may enjoy the support of those who made pacts with the devil. Such people too may be minority in numerical terms, but they have money and power on their side. Are we ready to face these merchants of despair and destruction who have leapt out of our nightmares?
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OCTOBER 15, 2012   (Opinions)
Ramu: When shame is not enough The Ramu attack is a good reminder that Bangladesh doesn’t have the minimum commitment to protect the minorities. It was something far more than shameful as several hundred mullahs, probably supported by the Jamaat-e-Islami attacked Buddhist shrines and homes and vandalised those because of an alleged anti-Islamic photo in the facebook. It is at these moments that it becomes clear why Muslims are so unpopular in so many parts of the world. Few have taken collective and social barbarism to such heights even as they claim to be mistreated. If people want to practice such behaviour they should take flights to the Arab lands and do what is natural to such people there. Bangladesh is not for them.
* * *
Hundreds and thousands of Muslims recently took to the streets protesting the anti-Islamic film which was made in the USA and that has spewed violence in many parts of the world. In Bangladesh too massive rallies have been held protesting the movie so Bangladeshi ‘Muslims’ are clearly declaring which side they are on. Now that the Buddhists’ holy places have been vandalized and property stolen, it would be interesting to see how many Muslims here take to the streets to protest this sacrilege. It is important because Muslims are forever claiming to be victims but they are very silent when they commit the same barbaric acts on people of other faiths. We were not particularly concerned about how Arabs behave but this is Bangladesh in South Asia and we are committed constitutionally to protect all. The Ramu attack has challenged that basic principle and that is why it is so serious.
* * *
The Awami League response has been to blame it all on the BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami which is a fine lesson on how to be and sound pathetic. It is the responsibility of the government to make sure that nothing happens and it has happened during their watch. They have such a wide network of spies and security agents so how come they never sensed anything? Or is it true what some people are saying on the street that the AL waited for the attack to happen so that they could blame the JI and the BNP to collect electoral brownie points? It would seem that the Government’s trust factor is substantially diminished and even the flow of benefit of doubt is being obstacled.
That the Government did know about the local MP who was anti-minority is absurd. It was not possible to gather so many to attack specific targets without a pre-plan but this seemed to have escaped the notice of the law enforcement agencies which is remarkable. We know that the law enforcement agencies are ineffective unless they are told to be so by the authorities so why they didn’t act is a mystery. And this makes the government looks terribly suspicious.
* * *
As for the BNP, it exists beyond shame. This is the party which allowed Jamaat-e-Islami to enter national politics just for political gain and now has become a partner to gain power. It shall be remembered as a party friendly to traitors and even now backing the Jamaat it shows how little it cares about the constitutional and moral obligations to the people. God alone knows from which bottomless pit of human degradation it draws its principles from. It supports a party that is committed to the denial of rights to all except their own kind of Muslims and bigotry and racism is structured as a faith element. It is convenient politics but immoral and vile as well and history shows such political constructs in the end collapse. Meanwhile, the strongest condemnation for the political company they keep and the cynicism they have displayed all along.
* * *
And so what of Jamaat-e-Islami? We have always argued that they have no space in Bangladesh or its politics. They have opposed the birth of Bangladesh so how can they be allowed to flourish in the same land whose birth they tried to end? It defies all logic but once one understands how Bangladesh functions, it becomes obvious. That doesn’t make the matter acceptable. The case for banning Jamaat is always there but what is required is the political will. If the AL can risk such a great deal of political uncertainty by passing the 15th amendment, why can’t it risk almost universal approval by denying Jamaat to be in Bangladesh?
* * *
After all the words are spent, what remains behind is the shame. We have allowed this to happen again and again. A fanatical, bigoted and backward people with a mindset of the 6th century, we don’t deserve Bangladesh. We didn’t need a new version of old Pakistan where more people die from internecine religious conflict than any other and it is perpetually mired in a medieval world of its own.
Bangladesh was to be the exact opposite but thanks to inefficiency, corruption, bigotry and religious excess, we have failed to build a state we could be proud of. For us there is only disgust.
On behalf of all who accept what we have said, our sincerest and humblest apology to the people who have suffered in particular and to all minorities in general.
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Comments Above.
Iftekhar Hossain on October 2, 2012 at 7:26 pm
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